Bodies and StructuresMain MenuWhat We're DoingOverview essayHow to Use This SiteAn orientationModulesList of modulesTag MapConceptual indexComplete Grid VisualizationGrid Visualization of Bodies and StructuresGeotagged MapGeographic IndexWhat We LearnedContributors share what they learned through the Bodies and Structures process.ReferencesReferences tag for all modules and essayContributorsContributor BiosAcknowledgementsAcknowledgementsContact usContact information pageLicensing and ImagesThe original content of this site is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND International 4.0 License.Kate McDonald306bb1134bc892ab2ada669bed7aecb100ef7d5fDavid Ambaras1337d6b66b25164b57abc529e56445d238145277
O'Dwyer, Significant Soil
12018-04-23T13:40:46-04:00CHASS Web Resources398fc684681798c72f46b5d25a298734565e6eb821O'Dwyer, Significant Soilplain2018-04-23T13:40:46-04:00CHASS Web Resources398fc684681798c72f46b5d25a298734565e6eb8
Emer O'Dwyer, Significant Soil: Settler Colonialism and Japan’s Urban Empire in Manchuria (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2015)
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12018-04-23T13:40:31-04:00Universal Suffrage Act1This page describes the Universal Suffrage Act of 1925 as an eventplain2018-04-23T13:40:31-04:001925As the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63, Japan's liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal (male) suffrage.
In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications -- age, gender, length of residence -- disenfranchised the majority of the inner territory's residents. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, "The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action" (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title "universal," only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of Japan. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37). But, in theory, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the spatial formation of the Japanese Empire. The Universal Suffrage Act drew a stark core-periphery boundary between the inner territory and the colonies that had before operated at a the level of ethnicity rather than geography.
The move elicited the ire of Japanese residents of the colonies (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18). It also prompted Cai to seize this moment of substantive change in the empire's spatial formation to enroll Japanese residents of the metropole in the Taiwanese anti-colonial movement.