Bodies and Structures

The Universal (Male) Suffrage Act

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Version 9

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titledcterms:titleThe Universal (Male) Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThe spatial logic of the Universal (Male) Suffrage Act.
contentsioc:content

As the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63 and the establishment of self rule in Taiwan, Japan’s liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal male suffrage.

In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications — age, gender, length of residence — left the majority of the inner territory’s residents disenfranchised. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, “The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action” (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title “universal,” only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of the inner territory. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37).

In theory, however, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the distribution of political power in the Japanese Empire. Wealth no longer determined the distribution of voting rights; place did. The act opened up elections in the metropole to non-Japanese candidates, and in some districts forced Japanese candidates to appeal to non-Japanese voters, particularly to Koreans (Fujitani 2011, 23-24; Matsuda 1995). For this reason, the act also elicited the ire of Japanese residents of Korea and Manchuria, who were excluded from the expansion of the franchise (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18).

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Version 8

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titledcterms:titleThe Universal (Male) Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThe spatial logic of the Universal (Male) Suffrage Act.
contentsioc:contentAs the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63 and the establishment of self rule in Taiwan, Japan’s liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal male suffrage.

In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications — age, gender, length of residence — left the majority of the inner territory’s residents disenfranchised. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, “The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action” (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title “universal,” only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of the inner territory. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37).

In theory, however, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the distribution of political power in the Japanese Empire. Wealth no longer determined the distribution of voting rights; place did. The act opened up elections in the metropole to non-Japanese candidates, and in some districts forced Japanese candidates to appeal to non-Japanese voters, particularly to Koreans (Fujitani 2011, 23-24; Matsuda 1995). For this reason, the act also elicited the ire of Japanese residents of Korea and Manchuria, who were excluded from the expansion of the franchise (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18).
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Version 7

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versionnumberov:versionnumber7
titledcterms:titleThe Universal (Male) Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThe spatial logic of the Universal (Male) Suffrage Act.
contentsioc:contentAs the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63 and the establishment of self rule in Taiwan, Japan’s liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal (male) suffrage.

In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications — age, gender, length of residence — left the majority of the inner territory’s residents disenfranchised. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, “The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action” (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title “universal,” only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of the inner territory. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37).

In theory, however, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the distribution of political power in the Japanese Empire. Wealth no longer determined the distribution of voting rights; place did. The act opened up elections in the metropole to non-Japanese candidates, and in some districts forced Japanese candidates to appeal to non-Japanese voters, particularly to Koreans (Fujitani 2011, 23-24; Matsuda 1995). For this reason, the act also elicited the ire of Japanese residents of Korea and Manchuria, who were excluded from the expansion of the franchise (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18).
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writer-editoriptc:Writer-EditorKate McDonald

Version 6

resourcerdf:resourcehttps://scalar.chass.ncsu.edu/bodies-and-structures/universal-suffrage-act.6
versionnumberov:versionnumber6
titledcterms:titleUniversal Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThe spatial logic of the Universal (Male) Suffrage Act.
contentsioc:contentAs the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63 and the establishment of self rule in Taiwan, Japan’s liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal (male) suffrage.

In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications — age, gender, length of residence — left the majority of the inner territory’s residents disenfranchised. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, “The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action” (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title “universal,” only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of the inner territory. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37).

In theory, however, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the distribution of political power in the Japanese Empire. Wealth no longer determined the distribution of voting rights; place did. The act opened up elections in the metropole to non-Japanese candidates, and in some districts forced Japanese candidates to appeal to non-Japanese voters, particularly to Koreans (Fujitani 2011, 23-24; Matsuda 1995). For this reason, the act also elicited the ire of Japanese residents of Korea and Manchuria, who were excluded from the expansion of the franchise (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18).
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writer-editoriptc:Writer-EditorKate McDonald

Version 5

resourcerdf:resourcehttps://scalar.chass.ncsu.edu/bodies-and-structures/universal-suffrage-act.5
versionnumberov:versionnumber5
titledcterms:titleUniversal Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThis page describes the Universal Suffrage Act of 1925 as an event
contentsioc:contentAs the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63 and the establishment of self rule in Taiwan, Japan’s liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal (male) suffrage.

In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications — age, gender, length of residence — left the majority of the inner territory’s residents disenfranchised. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, “The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action” (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title “universal,” only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of the inner territory. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37).

In theory, however, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the distribution of political power in the Japanese Empire. Wealth no longer determined the distribution of voting rights; place did. The act opened up elections in the metropole to non-Japanese candidates, and in some districts forced Japanese candidates to appeal to non-Japanese voters, particularly to Koreans (Fujitani 2011, 23-24; Matsuda 1995). For this reason, the act also elicited the ire of Japanese residents of Korea and Manchuria, who were excluded from the expansion of the franchise (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18).
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contributordcterms:contributorKate McDonald

Version 4

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versionnumberov:versionnumber4
titledcterms:titleUniversal Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThis page describes the Universal Suffrage Act of 1925 as an event
contentsioc:contentAs the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63 and the establishment of self rule in Taiwan, Japan’s liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal (male) suffrage.

In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications — age, gender, length of residence — left the majority of the inner territory’s residents disenfranchised. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, “The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action” (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title “universal,” only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of the inner territory. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37).

In theory, however, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the distribution of political power in the Japanese Empire. Wealth no longer determined the distribution of voting rights; place did. The act opened up elections in the metropole to non-Japanese candidates, and in some districts forced Japanese candidates to appeal to non-Japanese voters, particularly to Koreans (Fujitani 2011, 23-24; Matsuda 1995). For this reason, the act also elicited the ire of Japanese residents of Korea and Manchuria, who were excluded from the expansion of the franchise (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18).
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Version 3

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versionnumberov:versionnumber3
titledcterms:titleUniversal Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThis page describes the Universal Suffrage Act of 1925 as an event
contentsioc:contentAs the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63 and the establishment of self rule in Taiwan, Japan’s liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal (male) suffrage.

In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications — age, gender, length of residence — left the majority of the inner territory’s residents disenfranchised. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, “The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action” (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title “universal,” only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of the inner territory. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37).

In theory, however, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the distribution of political power in the Japanese Empire. Wealth no longer determined the distribution of voting rights; place did. The act opened up elections in the metropole to non-Japanese candidates, and in some districts forced Japanese candidates to appeal to non-Japanese voters, particularly to Koreans (Fujitani 2011, 23-24; Matsuda 1995). For this reason, the act also elicited the ire of Japanese residents of Korea and Manchuria, who were excluded from the expansion of the franchise (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18).
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Version 2

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versionnumberov:versionnumber2
titledcterms:titleUniversal Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThis page describes the Universal Suffrage Act of 1925 as an event
contentsioc:contentAs the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63 and the establishment of self rule in Taiwan, Japan’s liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal (male) suffrage.
 
In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications — age, gender, length of residence — left the majority of the inner territory’s residents disenfranchised. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, “The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action” (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title “universal,” only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of the inner territory. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37).
 
In theory, however, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the distribution of political power in the Japanese Empire. Wealth no longer determined the distribution of voting rights; place did. The act opened up elections in the metropole to non-Japanese candidates, and in some districts forced Japanese candidates to appeal to non-Japanese voters, particularly to Koreans (Fujitani 2011, 23-24; Matsuda 1995). For this reason, the act also elicited the ire of Japanese residents of Korea and Manchuria, who were excluded from the expansion of the franchise (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18).
 
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temporaldcterms:temporal1925

Version 1

resourcerdf:resourcehttps://scalar.chass.ncsu.edu/bodies-and-structures/universal-suffrage-act.1
versionnumberov:versionnumber1
titledcterms:titleUniversal Suffrage Act
descriptiondcterms:descriptionThis page describes the Universal Suffrage Act of 1925 as an event
contentsioc:contentAs the Diet considered, and ultimately rejected, the repeal of Law 63, Japan's liberal political parties advocated for the passage of universal (male) suffrage.

In 1925, after years of piecemeal expansions, the Diet passed the Universal Suffrage Act. The act opened the franchise to all male residents of the inner territory who were at least 25 and had been at their place of residence for at least a year. In practice, these qualifications -- age, gender, length of residence -- disenfranchised the majority of the inner territory's residents. As the Asahi newspaper editorial board complained, "The question of universal suffrage has not been answered or solved by this action" (Asahi 1925, quoted in Lu 1996). Despite the title "universal," only about twenty percent of Japanese residents of the inner territory were eligible to vote. The numbers were even lower for Korean residents of Japan. Between 1928 and 1937, roughly ten percent of Korean residents were eligible (Matsuda 1995, 36-37). But, in theory, the Universal Suffrage Act represented a radical rethinking of the spatial formation of the Japanese Empire. The Universal Suffrage Act drew a stark core-periphery boundary between the inner territory and the colonies that had before operated at a the level of ethnicity rather than geography.

The move elicited the ire of Japanese residents of the colonies (Uchida 2011, 273; O'Dwyer 2015, 216-18). It also prompted Cai to seize this moment of substantive change in the empire's spatial formation to enroll Japanese residents of the metropole in the Taiwanese anti-colonial movement.
 
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